2011 News

First Time Reenactment for the Battle of Balls Bluff

By T. Scott Campbell

Leesburg, Virginia. On a crisp fall afternoon an association of two parks in this historic town managed to sponsor for the first time a reenactment of the Battle of Balls Bluff. On 22 October exactly one day after the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the engagement cannons roared and muskets flashed as over 700 reenactors recreated the fight on the actual battle site. Eighteen months of prior planning and hard work led to a most memorable event.

This highly successful affair was the result of the joint efforts of Balls Bluff Battlefield Regional Park and Morven Park along with the assistance of the Northern Virginia Regional Park Authority. Balls Bluff Regional Park was responsible for providing a battle site while Morven Park provided the necessary space for a Civil War encampment. An additional participant was Loudoun County which provided Fire and EMS services. The two day event was an excellent of cooperation between a private entity such as Morven Park and a government run site like Balls Bluff.

The design for a reenactment marking the one hundred fiftieth anniversary of the battle was begun in the spring of 2010. It was primarily the work of three individuals. Mr. George Tabb of the Balls Bluff Park had the task of clearing an area in the park which would provide a realistic battle site as well as permit a large number of spectators to observe the action. Mr. Kevin Bowman of Morven Park was responsible for laying out an encampment for all the living historians with all the necessary services. Veteran living historian Chris Anders functioned as the Reenactor Coordinator. He was responsible for the overall command structure and for establishing authenticity standards. Each one did a superb job

For those unfamiliar with the engagement Balls Bluff was total Federal fiasco almost on the same proportions as First Bull Run which occurred three months earlier. What began as a reconnaissance in force by seventeen hundred Union troops, turned into a nightmare when the Federal Commander, Colonel Edward Baker, was killed during the action. High on a bluff with the Potomac River at their back and facing an equal Rebel forces Federal leadership collapsed. Men panicked and attempted to flee back across to the north side of the river while being cut down by Confederate infantry. The loss of over one thousand men led to the imposition by the Thirty Seventh Congress, of The Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War. The purpose of this oversight committee was to review the actions of Federal commanders and it was in session until the end of the war.

The event began just after dawn as the troops fell out for morning parade. After being fed they then took to the field for drill. Most of the morning was spent performing tactical drills and preparing for battle. At 11 am the men formed up for a mile and a half march from Morven Park to the Balls Bluff Battlefield. Fortunately civilians and dependents of the reenactors were not required to make the march. They were permitted to ride the chartered shuttle busses taking the visitors to the battle site.

The bus ride to Balls Bluff Park was five minutes followed by a ten minute walk down shaded trails to the battle site. A cleared open area of perhaps five acres was divided by a trail running north to south. Two thirds of the clearing made up the battlefield and one third was the spectator area. The Federal troops were first on the field and took their positions behind the three artillery pieces that were deployed in support.

The action began shortly after 2 pm under cool and overcast skies with a lot of skirmishing. It was quite realistic as one could hear the musket reports and see the powder smoke but no soldiers were visible. When the Southern infantry arrived on the field they were engaged by the Federal artillery. The rest of the engagement consisted of
charges and counter charges by both sides which emulated the battle as closely as possible. The fight ended of course with Federal troops being driven from the field and either killed or captured.

With the fighting concluded one could examine several sites on the field. It was also possible to view the Potomac River from the top of the bluff even though the slope below was heavily overgrown with vegetation. During the action the only access to the river below was by a narrow cow path. This undoubtedly led to the mass panic which occurred.

The event continued on Sunday morning 23 October with the encampment covered in a thick heavy ground fog. The troops were up early for morning parade followed by breakfast and then another round of drill. The program called for a second battle held on fields of Morven Park at 11 am.

The Sunday battle was a recreation of the Battle of Dranesville which occurred on 20 December 1861. In this action a Federal brigade in search of forage was attacked by a Confederate force at Dranesville Virginia which is about ten miles east of Leesburg. The Rebels might have been successful had not the Federal infantry been reinforced by an additional brigade which helped drive them from the field. The recreated battle appeared to very close to the original as the Southern forces were heavily outnumbered. With the Sunday battle concluded this most successful event was ended

The first time reenactment of Balls Bluff can only be considered a most memorable event. The excellent weather and the chance to recreate the action on the actual site made it an unforgettable affair. All of the various entities, private and governmental that contributed their time and effort to the event should be very proud of the results achieved in recreating a Civil War battle that occurred one hundred fifty years ago.

Lincoln Inaugurated Holds the Union is Unbroken,
Declares “We Must Not Be Enemies”
President Lincoln Will Preserve, Protect, and Defend the Union
There Will Be No Invasion
Vows to Uphold Constitution as It is Written
Secession is the Essence of Anarchy

Abraham Lincoln of Illinois was sworn into office as President of the United States on Monday, March 4, here in Washington City, Chief Justice Roger Taney of Maryland presiding. The small procession carrying the President-elect from Willard’s Hotel to the Capitol Building included a mounted escort of Regulars. It was widely reported that green-coated sharpshooters from the Army had occupied rooftops along the route as a further precaution, though in fact nothing occurred to impede or threaten the passage of the nation’s new Chief Magistrate. At the Capitol Building, an honor guard from the 3rd U.S. Infantry, under the command of Lieutenant Jason Eckhart, was present for the actual oath-taking.
Before receiving the Constitutionally-prescribed oath of office, Mr. Lincoln delivered his inaugural address in which he spoke to both his supporters and to the citizens, principally in the southern states, who were and are not numbered among his supporters. He made no specific mention either of the seven states that have acted upon their threat to secede, nor of their newly installed “President”, Mr. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. However, the new President’s address appealed both to the reason and to the sentiment of such persons in an apparent hope of preserving the Union and preventing a possible conflict.
Mr. Lincoln acknowledged that “among the people of the Southern States” there seemed to be apprehension upon the accession of a Republican Administration in spite of the absence of any reasonable cause. He recalled the words of one of his own published speeches in which he declared that “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of Slavery where it exists.” He also cited and read the following language from the platform of the Republican Party:
“Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed forces of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what the pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.”
President Lincoln declared that “the property, peace and security” of no one anywhere in the country are to be endangered by the incoming Administration, assuring all that this new Administration would give all the protection which can be given consistent with the Constitution to all the States when lawfully demanded for whatever cause.
He recalled the plainly written language of the Constitution requiring that any “person held to service in labor in one State” shall not “be discharged from such service or labor” in consequence of having escaped into another state, but rather “shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” The President recalled to everyone’s mind that all members of Congress are bound to uphold this clause having sworn their support to the whole Constitution, adding that in any law on this subject, there need also be safeguards so that a free man may not be surrendered as a slave – reminding his audience that the Constitution also guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.”
While making no mention nor directly addressing any of those in the South who have made pretense at being a new country, Mr. Lincoln offered some cogent thoughts of his own with regard to such efforts. He began by noting that no government proper ever had provision for its own termination in its organic law. The execution of all the provisions of our own Constitution will not only ensure the endurance forever of our Union, but will render impossible any attempt to destroy it since there are no provisions for such an action within that Constitution. However, if one were to consider that the United States were not a government proper but merely an association of States brought about by nature of a contract, then that contract can only be lawfully rescinded by the actions of all parties to that contract. Finally, he noted that Union itself in fact predates our Constitution having first been established in 1774 by the Articles of Association, continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776, further matured by the Articles of Confederation in 1778, and finally formed as a “more perfect Union” by the Constitution in 1787. In stating the full force of his conclusion as thus reasoned, Mr. Lincoln declared, “It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union, --that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.”
Mr. Lincoln reminded his audience that the Constitution specifically enjoins him as President to take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. He declared that there need be no bloodshed or violence and that there shall be none, “unless it be forced upon the national authority.” As President, he would use the power confided to him to “hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts” but “there will be no invasion—no using of force against or among the people anywhere.”
“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to “preserve, protect, and defend it."

LINCOLN’S INAUGURAL ADDRESS
As reported by our Correspondent
Fellow-citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of this office."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their property, and their peace, and personal security, are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such an apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and has been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed forces of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."
I now reiterate these statements; and in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause -- as cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is as much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is plainly written in the Constitution, as plainly written as any other of its provisions:
"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it, for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution -- to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law, by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well, at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?
I take the official oath to-day, with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws, by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to, and abide by, all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens, have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils; and, generally, with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
I hold, that in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper, ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever -- it being impossible to destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade, by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it -- break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was "to form a more perfect Union." But if destruction of the Union, by one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union, -- that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner, direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion -- no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality, shall be so great and so universal, as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable with all, that I deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper; and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathy and affection.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why you do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to, are greater than all the real ones you fly from? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution -- certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities, and of individuals, are so plainly assured to them, by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government, is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority, in such case, will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments, are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly, the central idea of secession, is the essence of anarchy. A majority, held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case, upon the parties to a suit; as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be over-ruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties, in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections, than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all, by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory, after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.
I will venture to add that to me the Convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions, originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution, which amendment, however, I have not seen, has passed Congress, to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose; but the executive, of such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope, in the world? In our present difficulties, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth, and that justice, will surely prevail, by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people.
By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.
While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well, upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him, who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
 

“The Boys of 61 “

By T. Scott Campbell The Philadelphia Bulletin

Suffolk Virginia The South Hampton Roads town of Suffolk was briefly transported 150 years back in time as modern day Confederate soldiers recreated the opening days of the Civil War. This living history event occurred on Saturday May 7 at the Riddick’s Folly
Historical site and was the first of four yearly events commemorating the 150 TH anniversary of the conflict which raged from 1861 to 1865.

The events of May 1861 in Suffolk were the result of two incidents. One was the firing on Fort Sumter by South Carolina and the other was President Lincoln’s call for 75,000 volunteers to suppress a Southern Rebellion. Virginia responded to the call for Federal troops by passing an Ordinance of Secession and issuing a call for volunteers to repel an expected invasion by Northern forces. However not all of Virginia was united in the southern cause as 25 western counties met in the city of Wheeling determined to remain in the Union. This led to the formation of the State of West Virginia in 1863.

The grounds of Riddick’s Folly were transformed for six hours into a very busy training site. Volunteers were welcomed at the law office of Nathan Riddick where they were inspected and then took the oath of allegiance. The new recruits were then quickly directed to the drill field to begin their training. All of the combat arms were represented with camps for Artillery, Cavalry and the Infantry. The majority of the new warriors however found themselves in the Infantry and devoted much time learning the basics of soldiering while the women of the town in period clothing looked on.

Early in the afternoon all of the troops formed up for a four block march to the Norfolk and Petersburg railroad station. At the depot the volunteers were scheduled to board the rail cars for a trip to Norfolk. Once there they will man the city’s defenses as well as continuing to drill. As the men marched up Main Street the ladies of the town continually waved their handkerchiefs in a fond farewell.

The mood of marchers appeared to this correspondent as extremely subdued. Not what one would expect from young men about to undertake the great adventure of war. There were no joyous whoops and hollers from troops eagerly anticipating battle. It almost seemed that the men fully realized the future horrors awaiting them which led to the somber tone of the march.

On reaching the rail station however there was a concerted effort by the officials of the city to dispel the impression that the populace had just witnessed The March of the
Condemned. An Episcopal clergyman attempted to rally the spirits of the troops with
a rousing address. He exhorted the volunteers to fight till the last man if necessary. This
call to arms had the desired effect as Southern Bravado so evident in the morning quickly returned.

As a journalist and resident of Philadelphia I found my presence in Suffolk on this day a very fortunate occurrence. I had been traveling to Petersburg to help a recently widowed cousin settle her affairs in order to return to Philadelphia. Due to changes in the schedule of the Norfolk and Petersburg on account of the recruiting effort I was forced to make an unexpected stop in Suffolk.

I decided to take advantage of my presence in Suffolk on such momentous day. I was determined to gage the present attitudes and emotions of the Southern populace on the eve of what is surely going to be a very bloody affair. I accomplished my task by conducting a few short personal interviews with persons in the recruiting camp

My first interview was with Colonel Francis Fawkess of the Virginia State Militia. The Colonel was the mustering officer whose task was to enroll as many volunteers as possible from Suffolk for the Militia. I asked Colonel Fawkess for his perception of the possible events to come. First off the Colonel was most irritated with actions of South Carolina in bringing on an almost certain conflict. He was hopeful however that military action could be avoided by serious negotiation of all the parties involved. I informed him that current attitudes in the North made that an extremely remote possibility.

Given the current conditions in the North and the South I asked Colonel Fawkess for a prediction as to the outcome of the oncoming conflict. The Colonel reluctantly predicted a long bloody affair lasting many years with the South ultimately becoming victorious due to its superior moral character. I was astounded by his forecast given the South’s serious deficiencies in population, railroad mileage and industrial facilities.

My next interview was with Lieutenant Colonel David Bay the commanding officer of the Thirteenth Virginia Cavalry. Lt. Colonel Bay has been in command of his unit for approximately eight years. He is extremely youthful to be given the awesome responsibilities of command.

I also asked Colonel Bay to gauge the possibility of a conflict and also the probable
outcome of the affair. With the calm assurance that comes with youth the Colonel predicted an extremely short war with a resounding Confederate victory. When asked about the numerous material difficulties the South faced in the coming war Colonel Bay expressed extremely little concern.

My final interview was with three ladies from the city of Suffolk. I was most interested in the female perspective on the coming hostilities. It seemed to me with their husbands and sons marching off to war the women folk of the town might be rather apprehensive about the future. Their men were leaving today and there was an excellent chance that they would never see them again.

As for fear and trepidation about their men, nothing could have been further from the truth. In an amazing display of faith and confidence the three ladies were completely unconcerned about the future. Their boys were the best and no one could ever lick them. If the troops did not display the correct amount of male bravado they would make sure that the boys did. It did not matter that the South faces huge human and material shortages they honestly believe that the Almighty will provide. According to these ladies a Southern defeat is impossible.

My Southern journey was very illuminating as the views of a small southern town were so readily apparent. On the other hand the trip was very frightening. Passions right now are running very high both North and South and it is most likely that the dividing issues in this country will be settled on the battlefield.

Raid on Corydon

I have returned from the “Raid on Corydon” civil war reenactment in Corydon, Indiana and am glad to report that it was a worthy event to attend this year. Though the heat and humidity made it hot and sticky, the weather was actually cooler than last year (if you can believe that, for I remember the heat and humidity were almost unbearable and I could not lie down in my tent at midnight without dripping sweat.) There were good numbers of participants (up from last year) and spectators (which helped me sell a number of prints) and kept me fairly busy with presenting and demonstrating the special artist/correspondent role during the war.

I camped next to the army chaplain, father Murphy (primarily because it was the only camp spot left with shade, as I arrived after most others had already set up their tents.) He’s a veteran re-enactor with a really nice camp full of many accessories and accouterments. He always had something cooking on the fire pit and would offer me something (bacon, coffee, hot dogs, corn on the cob, fried squash, honey dew & watermelon) every time he ate. It’s nice to have neighbors like that in camp. Perhaps this influenced me to attend his Sunday service (which I occasionally do at reenactments, but was very glad to have made this one.) He’s blessed with humor, good story-telling, and preaching a sound message.

I was also able to spend time with my friends in the 9th Ky. cavalry Saturday evening. I had inquired if it would be possible to get a picture of me mounted on one of their horses, to which they graciously obliged. When I say “mounted,” I mean to suggest that I simply wanted only to mount up, and then dismount for the sake of a quick photo opportunity. Having very little experience with horses, I did not expect anything more than that. But my friends were kind enough to give me the reigns and a few pointers on how to “control” the animal so that I could maneuver around a bit and spend some time with “Belle.” I admit that I was a bit uneasy and unsure upon mounting this horse, but was glad to take the opportunity to understand and learn how to ride. For me, the key to riding seems to be in handling the reigns with the right amount of tension, which essentially steers and stops the horse. After some elementary advice and instruction, I was able to ride with a small degree of confidence and can honestly profess to “riding” a horse (as the photo would suggest.)

The downtown cavalry raid into town on Saturday was presented as usual and turned out pretty good. I saw some friends and acquaintances in the streets and made a sketch of Major Stein of the “First German Regiment” commanding the militia troops.

After returning from town to the park (by a two mile shuttle-bus ride,) I had realized that my sketchbook was missing. I must explain, at this point, about my sketchbook, and the importance that it holds for me. It is my illustrated documentation of the past seven years of reenacting and sketching, with 92 drawings that fill these pages. I only have 5 unused pages left in this book before I retire it and pick up another one. Only a small number of these illustrations have been scanned and saved. Part of my heart and soul is in the pages of this book (along with a lot of sweat… literally.) Therefore, my reaction to the missing sketchbook is like that of a mother whose child has vanished from her side in a large store. Panic envelopes me and I repeatedly search my shoulder bag and haversack, scanning the ground looking for any sign of the small book. My breathing becomes labored and my throat contracts, making it hard to swallow as I become obsessed and focused on finding the book.

Realizing that I recall having it with me on the returning shuttle ride, I trace my steps back to the shuttle drop-off point where I will have to wait 20 minutes before the shuttle returns from town again. I chat with soldiers as I anxiously wait to discover the fate of my sketchbook. After an eternity, the shuttle arrives and a couple of riders emerge from the bus as I question the driver if anyone turned in a little green book. He answers “No, but you can go take a look.”

I head to the back seat where I had been sitting half an hour ago and find the book lying on the seat, apparently right where I left it. Whew! Thank you Jesus! Several months of depression and mourning have been avoided and I can take home another valuable lesson from reenacting.

I also had my photo taken by a Courier-Journal photographer (see web link below). All in all, it was a good time and a worthy venture.

Faithfully yours, Jim Hoffmann

a.k.a. Theodore R. Davis

Special Artist, Harper’s Weekly

SEQ CHAPTER \h \r 1Fire, Rain and Renderings
Appomattox, Va., April, 2011
I am back from the first re-enactment of the year for me on this sesquicentennial anniversary of the civil war. The event was held in Appomattox, Va., where the civil war officially ended when Lee surrendered to Grant in 1865. It was a 7 hour drive for me and gas prices were the highest they’ve been lately, but I really wanted to attend this event that was promised to be something unique and special to all who participated. Particularly, the fact that this week marked the 150th anniversary of the beginning of the war with the firing on Fort Sumter. This event was the first in a series of 5 that will be held each April over the next 5 years, ending with the last event in 2015 to coincide with the surrender at Appomattox in April, 1865.
I first heard about this “Cold Harbor” reenactment through a fellow correspondent reenactor who had suggested to one of the members of the event committee that I may be a good fit at this event. Upon receiving an invitation to attend this event, I soon learned that this was to be an interactive reenactment experience in which spectators are encouraged to join in the scenarios whenever possible and take active roles with the reenactors. This sounded like it could be fun and I was also interested in seeing the many top generals who would be attending, as advertised. The 1864 battle of Cold Harbor was one of extensive trenches and earthworks employed by both armies and I was hoping to see a really impressive recreation of this in some form or fashion. So, despite the long drive and high gas prices, I thought it would be an event not to miss and was looking forward to a pleasant spring weekend in middle Virginia.
I arrived at Clover Hill Village in Appomattox on Friday afternoon and was very pleased to see all the props and buildings (split rail fences, wagons, barrels, farm equipment, cabins, sheds, school, church, blacksmith shop, and even a general store) nestled in this park. I got my tent and fly (porch awning) up in good order and set up my camp, taking in the scenery afterward. Initially, I was a bit disappointed at the number of participants who turned out for this event and the weather was starting get cool and cloudy with some light rain. Still, I was glad to have set up before the rain.
I met my neighbor and talked for a while before it got dark and then retired to my quarters for a drink or two and sat out under my fly eating peanuts. Then I retreated inside my tent to escape the damp rain coming down harder. I lit my lantern and a brass plate candle holder that hangs vertically from a small hook on the back of the plate. I hung the open flame candle holder from my front pole on a hook that was attached to some twine that I used to secure my fly pole. This arrangement gave me good lighting and I browsed through some of my books and supplies to get ready for the next morning. As is usual, nature calls when you’ve just settled down and so was the case here. The good news was that the toilet was perhaps twenty yards away and the rain had stopped. I venture over to the toilet and pass my neighbor, Erica, returning to her tent. Perhaps four minutes pass in the john and I return to my tent where I find a large group of about 9 people gathered in front of it. Hmmm? Is this my tent or did I make a wrong turn in the dark? I approach and ask “what’s going on?”
Someone asks, “who’s tent is this?”
I reply, “this is my tent.”
“Hey, your tent was on fire! We just put it out.”
“What? Where?”
“Yes, we just put it out, but there’s significant damage.”
“Shit! I can’t believe it! I just left it four minutes ago!”
As I look at the upper front portion of my tent, a one to two foot hole of burnt canvas exposes the slightly charred pole and cross-beam of my quarters. “Damn!”
If not for the quick action of my neighbor, Erica, the whole thing would have gone up in flames. I am gratefully indebted to the quick action and efforts that were taken by my fellow camp mates in saving my tent from total destruction. However, this does little to console my feelings of despair and embarrassment for leaving my tent unattended with an open flame burning. I lay awake, trying to forget my foolishness and think of how I can possibly fix the damage. Now the temperature drops and rain begins to fall again and I shift my supplies to the far side, hoping the wind does not blow any harder. My neighbor, Erica, offers me her tent to sleep in for the night and she goes off to stay in one of her friends tents. You always meet the most gracious people at these events and she truly was a big help to me. We move my cot into her tent and I have nothing to do but try and sleep off the sick feeling of regret. I do not sleep very well this night.
The next day was supposed to be warmer with a chance of rain, but it was mostly cool with a mist-like rain that never quite went away. Not so good weather for an artist to work or display artwork. I did get to sketch General Lee and his Lieutenants (several other notable confederate generals) gathered near a wagon discussing strategy and this turned out to be a nice addition to my portfolio. As far as the battle reenactment went, there just wasn’t much to see (due to low numbers of reenactors) and the trenches that I had hoped to sketch were not what I had imagined they would be. But an artist can improvise, and so I did. One aspect that I did enjoy about the battle was the fact that soldiers were carrying split rail logs from a nearby fence and building up their breastworks for added protection. This was a nice touch that I was also able to sketch in my book. Immediately after the battle, spectators were asked to help remove the wounded from the field and get them to the hospital (about 150 yards away.) A number of men who went down as casualties were on the heavy side and the crowd delighted in watching spectators struggle to remove (drag) these casualties. I sympathized with a couple who volunteered to help out but were making little progress, so I ran out to help them. We struggled mightily to get this large man across the field, dragging him for the most part, until we finally arrived at the hospital tent where the surgeon promptly pronounced him dead. After catching my breath, I was able to make another sketch of the surgeon and his assistant working on another wounded soldier, and this too, was a nice addition to my sketchbook.
Later, we reenactors all had a nice meal that was served by the sponsors of the event and I even won a gift basket (filled with wooden spoons and a jar of mixed beans for soup) that was raffled off. I also got to talk to General Grant (Barry Meadows) on the front porch of the general store and learned about him and his family. I was amazed to find out that he slept in his car and was going to do the same later that evening. Wow! Gen. Grant sleeping in a car! This guy is dedicated to coming to events like this and he really has a favorable likeness of the general.
Due to the reports of a severe thunderstorm heading our way, Saturday evening events were cancelled and everyone battened down the hatches to prepare for the worst. I was able to adjust my fly by lowering one side to cover the burnt hole in my front roof and this actually worked quite well. The expected storm never quite materialized, though it did rain heavily. My tent stayed dry and I was able to get quite comfortable that evening and enjoy the sound of falling raindrops as I read my book and ate peanut m&m’s while sipping whisky. Slept much better this night, especially when I stepped out and noticed the rain had stopped and the moon and a few stars were actually showing.
As expected, the weather on Sunday morning was clear and the sun was making a welcome appearance. This was particularly good news as my tent would need to dry out from the continuous wet weather we had endured all weekend. I also noticed for the first time I had been here, I could no longer see my breath. Yes, things were definitely looking up. However, there were not nearly as many spectators as event planners had hoped for and some participants were even pulling out early. I sat in my camp touching up my sketches most of the day and talked with several spectators. I also met a young soldier who is an artist and a very good one indeed! He sketches in pencil with a book similar to mine and uses very well defined contour lines in his art with little shading. He is very fast and deliberate, making only one stroke with his pencil to sketch a shape, where I would normally make several strokes to find the right path. I was very impressed with his accuracy and technique, and quite honestly, envied this man with so much talent.
The event closed with a ceremony of both armies marching side by side and coming together at a point where the opposing commanders shook hands and awarded medals to their officers and staff, with a final salute to the real men who made the ultimate sacrifice for this country. I was soon dismantling my tent and packing my supplies under sunny skies and ready to head home. It was after 3:30pm when I pulled out and said goodbye to my new friends and acquaintances, bidding them farewell.